Media Context and the 2017 General Election: How traditional and social media shape elections (an extension of ES/M010775/1)

Lead Research Organisation: University of Exeter
Department Name: Politics

Abstract

The snap election called by Theresa May presents an urgent opportunity to assess and understand the role of media in British politics at a time when a fractured media system is being held at least partly responsible for presenting misleading information to voters.

Our previous research (ES/M010775/1) examined traditional (television, newspapers and radio) and social media during and after an election in which some form of coalition government was the expected outcome, confirmed by extensive and widely reported polls, and economic issues dwarfed all other coverage. Our aims were to: 1) Develop a model of information flows and intermedia agenda setting from traditional and social media; 2) Assess the contrasting influence of national, and sub-national media on specific constituencies and subsets of the electorate; 3) Understand the role of social media in the electoral process; 4) Examine media effects on learning, preference change during the campaign and perceptions of the legitimacy of the outcome in the post-election period.

Some of the key findings of our study have cast new light on intermedia agenda setting with respect to issues and leaders, as well as offering experimental evidence that post-election reactions to the same "broken manifesto promise" are highly contingent on attributions of responsibility. Two years later the electoral context has shifted, with a majority Conservative government, different leaders of almost all the major parties, Brexit is both the main issue and the ostensible reason the election was called, the possibility of the incumbent government gaining the largest proportion of the vote in a generation, and a growing distrust of polling data and the media e.g., 'fake news' and Twitter bots. This provides us with the opportunity to re-examine and extend our original aims in a contest of different leaders and different issues, "fake news" and a seeming far less competitive race. Taken together, these will allow us to address the extent to which media contribute to the ability of voters to hold governments accountable through the electoral process. We accomplish them using a combination of the existing infrastructure that we developed for large scale media data retrieval and analysis (ES/M010775/1 and ES/N012283/1), and a survey panel capturing clickstream activity, which will provide us with a unique opportunity to examine information search and exposure (e.g. filter bubbles).

Planned Impact

By examining flows of campaign information, as well as by linking them to individuals, we are able to understand both where social and traditional media fit in the contemporary information environment, the implications for governance, and media's effects on individual attitudes and behaviours. These research foci allow us to address ESRC strategic priorities such as influencing behaviour and informing interventions. In addition, based on the implications of the research outputs our project will inform debates about how to enhance the quality of political life in Britain by illustrating where media appear to have a positive influence and where its influence is less positive or detrimental. In light of ongoing discussions regarding media (e.g., Leveson inquiry, Political and Constitutional Reform Committee's inquiry on voter engagement in the UK), the data will allow us to identify and deliver policy recommendations by providing a more in-depth understanding of the nature of media coverage of politics and its effects on governance and the British public.

1. Potential Policy and Societal Impact
- The user community outside academe is large and diverse. It consists of all those institutions and individuals who have a professional interest in media, media regulation, elections and electoral processes. One segment of this extra-academic user group is centered around political parties: elected office holders, party officials, campaigners, and those working in research institutes and thinktanks connected to political parties. A slightly different group consists of those representing social groups and organised interests and who equally have a stake in the outcome of elections, and sometimes in providing their members with relevant information and advice (labour unions, employers organisations, churches, sundry cause groups, formal lobbyists, etc.). Another component consists of media organisations and journalists who provide audiences (the mass audience as well as more specialised and targeted audiences) with information on elections. Finally there is a plethora of firms (mainly, but not exclusively, SME's) that cater to the rest of the extra-academic user community (market research companies, media and campaign specialists, consultancy firms, etc.).

- The research findings will also contribute towards evidence-based policy making in the area of media and media regulation. The findings should give clear indications of the impact of social media competition on the production of electorally relevant information, and of variation by source and mode (e.g., TV vs. newspapers). Public broadcasters in particular are interested in fulfilling the remit of informing citizens and can base policy recommendations on the indications from our research about the influences on, and of, their election coverage. The workshop at the 2017 EPOP conference will advance these areas of impact.

2. Research Area Impact
Another benefit of the research is to the UK Research Area: The visibility of the UK as a venue for research on matters pertaining to electoral behaviour, electoral representation, the role of the media, and democracy will be promoted. The innovation of automated media coding also places the UK at the forefront of research using content analysis, while the methods we use to discern media effects using the survey data will have applicability to a rich set of causal questions in the social sciences in general.
 
Description The grant ended in May 2018. We received an extension of three months because, due to unforeseen circumstances, some coding, particularly of television news, could not be completed by the end of February. We deposited with the UKDS data pertaining to television, newspaper and radio coverage, as well as Twitter activity on coverage of issues and leaders.
Our findings so far are best divided into three headings:
1. Enhancing the validity and reliability of media content analysis data
In our 2015, and now our 2017, content analysis we began by adopting the conventional approach in which coders code a common set of stories until they reach a level of agreement deemed satisfactory (accounting for chance), after which all stories are only ever coded by one coder. Essentially, this assumes that after training there is no measurement error in coding and no variation in measurement error by coder. Over the course of our projects we have become dissatisfied with this approach because it also assumes levels of agreement are constant for different kinds of stories and do not change over time, neither of which seems to us to reflect reality. With the 2017 data, we therefore began to adopt a more labour-intensive approach-though still within budget-of multiple coders for as many stories as possible. The advantage of this method is both that it does not make heroic assumptions about reliability after training and also that it allows the investigator(s) to estimate the uncertainty surrounding the coding of different variables and to build this into analysis.
This was one of the key points we made at the pre-EPOP workshop in September 2017, in which some members of our audience were prominent users of the conventional approach, and on which we intend to publish as a result of this research grant. The human-coded television content analysis that we deposited with the UKDS reflects this approach. Many of the stories had multiple coders. We generated a "trust score" for each coder that we then used to estimate the correct code for a story, derived from the level of agreement with coding by the most trusted coder, the PI, for each variable. If coders agreed, we had no need to go to the trust score. But if coders disagreed, we used their trust scores to estimate which coder was more likely to be correct.
2. Media effects
Our principal foci at this stage of the project have been on a. media agenda setting, and b. media effects on perceptions of leaders in 2017. We have discovered a strong influence of newspapers in these areas, contrary to conventional wisdom that media in Britain have minimal effects because their audiences "read what they believe."
a. With respect to agenda setting, we have been able to compare 2017 and 2015, showing the dramatic shift from an election (2015) dominated by stories of a potential SNP/Labour coalition first, benefits second, and the economy third to the 2017 election in which Brexit and terrorism were the top two issues, with the economy again third. Attention paid to Brexit and terrorism was not consistent over the campaign, however-Brexit dominated the first three weeks of the campaign in particular, but terrorism dwarfed coverage of all other issues in the last three weeks of the campaign, after the Manchester and London attacks. We found that even accounting for pre-campaign attitudes towards the security/civil liberties trade-off, more coverage of terrorism in an individual's newspaper was associated with a shift in the direction of favouring security over civil liberties.
b. For perceptions of leaders, we have concentrated thus far on the relationship between the tone of coverage and liking a leader as well as on perceptions of the key attributes of competence and integrity. For both May and Corbyn we have found, again accounting for pre-campaign perceptions, that the more negative the balance of stories about them the more negative were affect and perceptions of them, with the effects no larger for one leader than the other (although Corbyn did receive more negative coverage than May). We presented the first findings from these models at the Midwest Political Science Association conference in April 2019.
3. Experiments
We conducted two survey experiments. In a pre-election survey we looked at media source effects on the influence of the increasingly prevalent media phenomenon of factchecking. Respondents were exposed to a misleading claim about the impact of EU immigration on spending on the National Health Service (NHS). They then received either no correction (the control group), or a correction of the facts attributed to "a factchecking organization", The Guardian or The Telegraph. The correction was, however, identical for each treatment; only the source varied. We found that any kind of correction regardless of source brought respondents closer to the truth but that when we asked about this issue of NHS spending again in the post-election survey the effects had not endured: there were no differences between the treatments and the control group. On the one hand, this suggests that sources do not influence the capacity of factchecking to influence misperceptions in the right direction; on the other hand, these effects appear to be epiphenomenal. We have also been able to link these effects to online exposure to the issue of the NHS because respondents agreed to a download an app that allowed us to track their internet use for 17 days of the survey. We have not found a relationship between exposure to the issue and the effectiveness of the factcheck. A paper based on these findings has received a revise and resubmit at the International Journal of Press/Politics.
Second, in the context of the Manchester attacks we randomly primed perceptions of the terrorist threat as global, national or personal by varying the pre-amble to a question about the respondent's concern about the threat: "many people talk of the global threat of terrorism and the high likelihood of more terrorist attacks all over the world" (global) vs. "many people talk of the national threat of terrorism and the high likelihood of more terrorist attacks in the UK" (national) vs. "many people talk of the threat of terrorism to individuals and the high likelihood of more terrorist attacks" (personal). Preliminary analysis of the data shows that while the priming of the terrorist threat as global, national or personal had some differences in influence on the levels of concern of authoritarians in particular, there were no discernible differences in emotional response. We do, however see differences in the effects of emotions contingent on authoritarianism: regardless of their levels of authoritarianism, respondents who reported the strongest emotional reactions to terrorism did not differ in their policy preferences (they had an overwhelming preference for extreme responses to terrorism), whereas for respondents with weaker emotional reactions those lower in authoritarianism were more likely than those higher to favour the preservation of civil liberties in policy responses. These findings suggest a role for emotions that is absent from extant accounts of the influence of authoritarianism.
We have used some of the data from the experiment in additional analysis of the relationship between authoritarianism and threat. Combining the ICM survey data gathered for this project with British Election Study (BES) data, we show that under conditions of the elevated threat of terrorism, after the Manchester attack, low authoritarians became like high authoritarians in their attitudes towards leaders, civil liberties, and issues such as immigration. This evidence is in line with the arguments of Hetherington and Weiler (2009) rather than Stenner (2005). However, we also show that, in line with Stenner, elevated normative threat-from perceptions that the establishment is under threat or underperforming or that there is division in public opinion-simultaneously activates authoritarian predispositions in their attitudes towards leaders, civil liberties, and issues such as immigration, i.e., makes authoritarians more authoritarian. The experimental data from ICM confirms these relationships. We use the results of the experiment to see whether priming personal or national threat moderates the relationships, finding that they largely do not. This paper is currently being revised for submission to the American Journal of Political Science or Journal of Politics.
Exploitation Route For non-academic audiences our findings on the efficacy of factchecking and on media effects are likely to be particularly influential. The experiment on factchecking suggests that it is insufficient to correct misinformation just once; media need to continue to address such misperceptions continually or individuals will drift back to their original views. The findings on media effects on opinions of issues and leaders also indicate an influence of media in campaigns that has gone largely unacknowledged because researchers have grown too comfortable with the idea that newspaper coverage in Britain simply reinforces existing views. In 2017, in addition, conventional wisdom is that newspaper influence was substantially diluted by counter messages from social media. We find that the lack of influence of the partisan press in 2017 has been exaggerated. In showing that this, our research places more responsibility on media and media reporting, which has implications for how they cover elections.
For academics, these findings will also be of interest but our arguments about content analysis are likely to attract additional attention. They suggest that the predominant method of analyzing media content in Britain at a minimum needs to acknowledge the uncertainty in the data, but we will also advocate a move to multiple coders for each story as the optimal method going forward.
Sectors Government, Democracy and Justice

URL https://mediaeffectsresearch.wordpress.com/
 
Description Media Context and the 2017 General Election: How Traditional and Social Media Shape Elections
Amount £50,000 (GBP)
Funding ID ES/R005087/1 
Organisation Economic and Social Research Council 
Sector Public
Country United Kingdom
Start 06/2017 
End 06/2018
 
Description Media in Context and the 2019 General Election: How Traditional and Social Media Shape Elections and Governing
Amount £71,604 (GBP)
Funding ID ES/T015675/1 
Organisation Economic and Social Research Council 
Sector Public
Country United Kingdom
Start 12/2019 
End 03/2022
 
Title Traditional and Social Media data from General Election 2017 deposited with UKDS 
Description 1. Traditional media data (TV, radio, and newspapers) Data from content analysis of 8 TV news broadcasts, 1 radio programme and 15 national and regional newspapers from April 18th, 2017 to June 21st, 2017. These include multiple coded TV stories (1613 stories, with which we test a new approach to content analysis), a sample of human coded newspaper stories (3049 stories), and a complete analysis of newspaper story topics with machine coding (13036 stories). 2. Data on 129,416,505 Tweets. 3. bes_waves 1-13_with_media_codes_v2.0.zip Files containing SPSS and State code to allow the user to make summary media variables in the British election study Wave 8 data (May-June 2016, the closest wave to the June 2017 election in which the open ended media questions were asked) that could be linked to media content. 
Type Of Material Database/Collection of data 
Year Produced 2018 
Provided To Others? Yes  
Impact These data were deposited with the UKDS on August 22nd, 2018. 
URL https://beta.ukdataservice.ac.uk/datacatalogue/studies/study?id=8397
 
Description EPOP workshop on Media in Context project 
Form Of Engagement Activity A talk or presentation
Part Of Official Scheme? No
Geographic Reach National
Primary Audience Postgraduate students
Results and Impact Approximately 25 academics and graduate students attended this workshop at the 2017 Elections, Public Opinion and Parties workshop in Nottingham. The primary purpose was to present the initial findings of the 2017 project and to reflect on what we had learned so far. A secondary objective was to compare media and media effects in the 2017 election to the 2015 election. The workshop was divided into three main themes: 1) measurement issues in media content analysis; 2) our findings from 2017 in terms of media effects on perceptions of issues and of leaders, and comparison with 2015; 3) preliminary findings from experiments conducted as part of the project. On the first theme, Travis Coan discussed the methods used to gather and analyze the media data and the challenges we faced in terms of reliability. He concluded with our recommendation that media content analysis employ multiple coders for each story because there is too much uncertainty in coding to justify the conventional reliance on single coders. Daniel Stevens looked at media coverage and media effects in 2015 and 2017, showing that even controlling for pre-campaign perceptions, media coverage seemed to affect both perceptions of issue and of party leaders. Susan Banducci ...The workshop provided the research team with the opportunity to present and discuss the project's findings and generated a number of new ideas for data and analysis. Slides from the presentations have been made available here: https://mediaeffectsresearch.wordpress.com/research-output/ under "Workshop presentations."
Year(s) Of Engagement Activity 2017
URL https://mediaeffectsresearch.wordpress.com/research-output/
 
Description University of Exeter Workshop on Media and UK Elections 
Form Of Engagement Activity Participation in an activity, workshop or similar
Part Of Official Scheme? No
Geographic Reach International
Primary Audience Postgraduate students
Results and Impact This workshop brought together early career researchers from around the world. Authors had to use Media in Context data in their papers. The intended purpose was dissemination of the data and project, promotion of early career researchers, and the possibility of developing the group of papers into a special issue of a journal or an edited book that would advance knowledge of British media and media effects.
Year(s) Of Engagement Activity 2021
URL https://www.exeter.ac.uk/news/events/details/index.php?event=11352