Facadism and gentrification in Kensington, London, 1950-2022.

Ruth Glass (1964) is one of the few gentrification scholars to discuss the London constituency of Kensington in any detail. Glass (1964, xx) describes 'an air of expectancy' about future urban redevelopment and an influx of wealthy occupants. She recalls the 1960s 'espresso bars, genteel shop windows and occasional supermarket' (Glass 1964, xiii). In the C21st these have been replaced by corporate banks, estate agents and global superstores. The working-class and middle-class populations have gradually been displaced by overseas investors and large businesses that are in the process of demolishing buildings and leaving homes empty. 'Prosperity [is yet again being] freshly painted on' (Glass 1964, xiii) the facade of this seemingly wealthy area, erasing the visibility of low income groups and leaving nearly 2,000 homes unoccupied - the highest number of all London boroughs. Glass coined the term 'gentrification' in 1964 and scholars still adhere to her conceptual framing of the process (Lees et al, 2008) today, but as gentrification studies has become more global it has turned away from Glass's framing set in 1960s London (eg. Lees, et al, 2016). Minton (2017, xiii) argues that the word 'gentrification' 'has lost its real meaning long ago' and is irrelevant when discussing the rapid speed of overseas investment in London.
I will be undertaking a longitudinal study of gentrification in Kensington from 1950 to the current day; this will be in more detail than has been undertaken to date and will include accessing Ruth Glass's housing data on Kensington (held at the university of Sussex) from the 1950s and 1960s. There has been only one longitudinal study of gentrification in London to date, on Barnsbury in Islington (Butler and Lees, 2006). This study will go into more depth and make a detailed account of the state of affairs today (including the impact of austerity and Brexit). Whereas most gentrification scholars focus on either residential or commercial/retail gentrification, this study will focus on both. Exploring Glass's idea of 'prosperity freshly painted on' I will operationalise the idea of 'facadism' (Pendlebury, 2009), extending it conceptually and theoretically into gentrification studies. 'Facadism' concerns preserving the past for the purpose of 'authenticity.' Zukin (2010,2008), in her discussions of residential and commercial/retail gentrification has sought to conceptualise 'authenticity'. In preserving historic facades that embody the cultural value of an area, Zukin argues that property owners benefit from supplying an 'authentic' urban culture. 'Facadism' has become symbolic in/of Kensington, as a result of the devastating fire at Grenfell Tower in 2017.
Given that Glass's (1964) definition of gentrification highlights displacement, I will investigate the patterns of gentrification induced displacement in Kensington from the 1950s to the current day. I am especially interested in what Nixon (2011) and Kern (2015) call 'the slow violence' of property development, displacement, and the destruction of the home. Like Herzfeld (2010) I will find out who has made the decisions about landscape and community change, and why. I will also consider 'social preservation' (Brown-Saracino 2009) - attempts to preserve the authentic local flavour of places/communities, rather than ruthlessly remaking them. I want to find out if there have been any attempts in Kensington to undertake social preservation.
My key research questions include:

1. What types of 'facadism' have been undertaken in Kensington since 1950 and how do they relate to gentrification?

2. Behind these facades, what have the lived experiences of gentrification been in Kensington since 1950?

3. What attempts have been made regarding social preservation over time?
The overall aim of the study is to look at 'facadism' and the everyday experiences of gentrification over time, for those living and working behind these facades in Kensington.