THE 2010 NORTHERN IRELAND GENERAL ELECTION SURVEY
Lead Research Organisation:
University of Liverpool
Department Name: Politics
Abstract
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Organisations
Publications
Bartlett J
(2012)
The Edge of Violence: Towards Telling the Difference Between Violent and Non-Violent Radicalization
in Terrorism and Political Violence
Bernadette Hayes (Author)
(2011)
Gender and consociational power-sharing agreements in post-conflict societies
Brewer J
(2012)
Victimhood Status and Public Attitudes towards Post-conflict Agreements: Northern Ireland as a Case Study
in Political Studies
Evans J
(2013)
From Abstentionism to Enthusiasm: Sinn Féin, Nationalist Electors and Support for Devolved Power-sharing in Northern Ireland
in Irish Political Studies
Hayes B
(2012)
Gender and consociational power-sharing in Northern Ireland
in International Political Science Review
Hayes Bernadette
(2013)
Conflict to Peace: Politics and Society in Northern Ireland Over Half a Century
Hennessey
(2019)
The Ulster Unionist Party: Country Before Party?
Jonathan Tonge (Author)
(2011)
Menace without mandate? : assessing the extent of sympathy for dissident republicanism
Jonathan Tonge (Author)
(2011)
Has the Sinn Féin brand fully detoxified? : evidence from recent elections
| Description | The 2010 election survey highlighted the following: There has been no electoral thawing in Northern Ireland. Cross-community voting remains as negligible as it was prior to the 1998 Good Friday Agreement. Conflict or communal issues continue to dominate electoral choice. There was much media commentary about this being a 'bread-and-butter' election. It wasn't. Social class is much less important than it was during the Troubles in determining party choice within Northern Ireland's two main ethnic blocs. Sinn Fein and the DUP have extensive cross-class support as the main representatives of those two blocs. There is a reasonably strong level of support for the political institutions created by the Good Friday Agreement - and that support is quite strong across all the main parties and across both communities. Relatives of victims of the conflict are amongst the strongest supporters of devolved power-sharing and the political institutions. The level of sympathy for dissident republicanism, whilst very low, may be slightly higher than is popularly supposed. There is a stark lack of consensus over the routes of Orange Order parades. Most Catholics do not believe the Order should march through nationalist areas, whereas the largest category of response amongst Protestants favoured unfettered marching rights. |
| Exploitation Route | The findings have already been provided to a range of organisations, such as e.g. the Parades Commission and Community Relations Council, to illuminate the extent of division and to highlight what can usefully be done to address continuing communal divisions. The dataset is available to all researchers. |
| Sectors | Government, Democracy and Justice,Security and Diplomacy |
| URL | http://discover.ukdataservice.ac.uk/Catalogue/?sn=6553&type=Data%20catalogue |
| Description | Briefings have been provided to the Parades Commission and analysed for their significance in displaying the chasm in communal attitudes on the parading issue. The Peace Monitoring Unit of the Community Relations Council has used the findings in its reports of the extent of continuing conflict The findings have been very widely reported in the Northern Ireland media and discussed by members of the Northern Ireland Executive. |
| First Year Of Impact | 2010 |
| Sector | Government, Democracy and Justice,Culture, Heritage, Museums and Collections,Security and Diplomacy |
| Impact Types | Cultural,Societal |