'How Can a State Control Swallowing?': Medical Abortion and the Law

Lead Research Organisation: University of Kent
Department Name: Kent Law School

Abstract

In March 2013, more than 100 Northern Irish women publically declared that they had procured abortions using drugs obtained online. They were undoubtedly right to state that they "represent[ed] just a small fraction of those who have used, or helped others to use, this method". Mifepristone (RU486), the drug which the New York Times in 1999 described as 'the little white bombshell', is now readily available over the internet, raising significant challenges to the way that we think about abortion and the possibility of successfully regulating access to it.

Medical abortion has brought about a revolution in abortion provision, contributing to a significant decrease in maternal mortality worldwide and now accounting for almost half of all legal terminations reported in England and Wales. Yet, after a flurry of interest in the early 1990s, following the development and first licensing of mifepristone (RU486), medical abortion has attracted very little sustained attention beyond the pages of medical journals. Specifically, its implications have provoked a notable lack of interest from lawyers, ethicists and gender studies scholars. Yet the implications of medical abortion - which provides a readily available, very safe, highly effective means of procuring a termination, with little need for technical assistance from third parties unless complications arise - seem extremely radical.

This project provides the first sustained analysis of the implications of medical abortion for the broader meanings attached to abortion and the thorny legal and ethical issues of how it can - and should - be regulated. While drawing lessons from a range of jurisdictions, the project will focus, in particular, on the UK and Ireland, which provide a geographically contained site incorporating legal regimes that range from the most restrictive in Europe to among the most liberal. The project will consider the challenges that MA poses for law, ethics and meanings in this context. It will analyse what impact medical abortion might have on how we understand abortion (for example: does its operation, in pill form early in pregnancy, blur perceived boundaries between abortion and contraception?). It will also assess the extent to which it challenges the ethical underpinning of those legal models that have liberalised access to abortion under very strict medical control (such as the British Abortion Act). Such laws have been said to depend on the twin rationales of taking control of a morally controversial procedure, on the one hand, and ensuring that women are not dying in backstreets, on the other. Yet if the public health argument drops away (if there is no clinical requirement for strict medical control), then an uneasy compromise regarding the need for medical supervision of abortion is disrupted.

Most fundamentally, medical abortion poses serious challenges for the enforcement of any prohibition of abortion, including very late in pregnancy (in a rare, recently reported case, Sarah Catt used drugs obtained on line to provoke her own miscarriage at around 38 weeks of gestation). Medical abortion raises serious issues for detection and proof and also for prosecution policy. 'How', asks one commentator, 'can a state control swallowing'? Prosecutors have, historically, generally preferred to charge abortionists rather than women seeking terminations, whose situation is likely to evoke greater sympathy at all stages of the judicial process. Yet what happens when an abortion provider is based in a different country? Finally, the online provision of medical abortion drugs raise further challenges, posing public health concerns around abortion in a more modern frame: in sourcing drugs from an unknown, online supplier, women are clearly risking their health. Yet what responsibility, if any, does a state have to help them guard against such risks when the drugs are sought with the intention of subverting existing domestic law?

Planned Impact

A detailed analysis of the extent to which the widespread availability of medical abortion (MA) may impact on existing models of service provision and the adequacy of existing regulatory frameworks should be of signficant interest to a range of non-academic research users, including:

1) State actors

A range of government actors should be interested in the findings of this project, including those within Parliament, who have responsibility for ensuring appropriate regulation of this area; courts charged with interpreting such regulation (who may face difficult questions regarding how MA fits within existing statutory language), and the designated abortion team within the Department of Health charged with ensuring the law's effective functioning. If, as appears to be the case, women in Ireland and Northern Ireland (and, to a lesser extent, other parts of the UK), are procuring their own terminations using drugs obtained on line, then this raises pressing issues of public health (requiring a close analysis of appropriate responses). As the first sustained analysis of these questions in any jurisdiction, the project should provide a vital resource for these actors, who will be invited to the launch event and sent the research summary.

2) Abortion service providers

Service providers must work within existing law, yet best clinical practice in provision of MA services does not sit comfortably within current law (as demonstrated in the bpas case, see Case for Support). Further, MA raises broader questions regarding traditional service provision models and, particularly, the extent of the need for medical supervision of abortion. While some clinical aspects of these questions are considered in the medical literature, the ethical implications (of e.g. shifting models of the doctor/patient relationship, particularly when drugs are obtained online; and the radical emphasis on patient autonomy involved in some provision models) are not. This project will thus provide a vital new resource for these groups. This audience will be particularly targeted by in house seminars and a publication in the e-newsletter, Abortion Review, which is widely read by service providers, policy-makers and interested academics in the UK.

3) Reproductive health NGOs

Unsafe abortion is a major cause of maternal mortality and MA has attracted a lot of interest as a potential solution. However, as noted earlier, this consideration has tended to focus exclusively on clinical and practical issues, ignoring the legal and ethical dimensions, which will also be of interest to this group. A short paper submitted to the international, policy focused journal, Reproductive Health Matters, will reach this audience.

4) The general public

Strong popular interest is invariably aroused by discussion of any aspect of abortion and this interest should make it easy to gain popular media dissemination for this research. Relevant Radio 4 programmes will be approached with a view to securing interviews (e.g. Woman's Hour; Thinking Allowed) and, in the PI's experience, invitations to speak on local BBC radio and the world service should follow from these appearances. Further, in order to make the research more widely accessible, at least one article will be written for a broadsheet newspaper (e.g. Guardian news section, Society or Family supplement) and a short piece will be written for the website, ProChoice Forum, which attracts a wide audience, including school children writing projects on abortion.


In addition to the specific dissemination strategies targeting each of the groups noted above, a project website, summary of research findings (available online and in hard copy), and launch event in central London will each help to ensure that findings reach each of these key groups. In addition to key research beneficiaries noted above, journalists will also be invited to the launch event, thus helping with wider dissemination of findings

Publications

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Hervey T (2019) Abortion by telemedicine in the European Union. in International journal of gynaecology and obstetrics: the official organ of the International Federation of Gynaecology and Obstetrics

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Sheldon S (2016) British Abortion Law: Speaking from the Past to Govern the Future in The Modern Law Review

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Sheldon S (2017) Vacuum aspiration for induced abortion could be safely and legally performed by nurses and midwives. in The journal of family planning and reproductive health care

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Sheldon S (2018) Empowerment and Privacy? Home Use of Abortion Pills in the Republic of Ireland in Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society

 
Description A England, Wales and Scotland

Abortion in the UK is regulated by an archaic statutory framework, which long predates the development of safe, effective medical abortion. The Offences Against the Person Act (1861) prohibits the 'unlawful procurement of miscarriage' in England, Wales and Northern Ireland, with a similar common law prohibition in force in Scotland. The Abortion Act (1967), which applies in England, Wales and Scotland, provides that no offence is committed where a termination is provided under strict medical control. Notably, to be lawful, a good faith opinion that a termination is justified must be offered by two doctors; treatment must be performed by a doctor; and it must take place on NHS or other approved premises. The Act was intended, first, to broaden the grounds upon which abortions might be lawfully obtained, while permitting only those deemed 'socially acceptable'; and, second, to ensure that abortions were performed safely.

Key Findings:

1. While it is generally accepted that implantation (which occurs six-twelve days after fertilisation) marks the legal beginning of a pregnancy, there is no ethical justification for drawing a bright line at this point. This is problematic given the significance of the consequences that flow from it.

2. Current laws may block the development and use of methods of fertility control that operate around the time of implantation or very early in pregnancy. Such methods potentially offer considerable advantages but would be difficult, if not impossible, to introduce within current UK and Irish law.

3. It is lawful for doctors to choose to exercise their legal decision-making responsibilities under the Abortion Act in a way that, in practical terms, results in abortion on request. This interpretation of the law respects evidence of the relative risks to health of abortion versus ongoing pregnancy; current professional ethical guidance; and broader shifts in public opinion. This evolving context cannot overrule statutory provisions but it appropriately influences interpretation of them.

4. The requirement that abortions be performed by doctors has been potentially rendered redundant by the broad judicial interpretation of this provision. This requires that a doctor retains overall responsibility for the procedure (and not that s/he has a 'hands on' role). Where nurses or midwives provide safe abortion care as part of a multi-disciplinary team that includes a doctor, it is lawful for them to carry out the physical acts that end a pregnancy. Notwithstanding received understandings to the contrary, this means that, under existing law, it is lawful for trained nurses or midwives to perform vacuum aspiration procedures.

5. The narrow interpretation given to the requirement that abortions be performed only on NHS or approved premises means that this provision actively cuts against the Abortion Act's purpose of ensuring safety. As currently interpreted, this provision impedes the delivery of safe and acceptable treatment. Clinics now offer treatment protocols (including same day or near simultaneous administration of mifepristone and misoprostol) that are known to be clinically sub-optimal but maximize patient choice in the face of clinically unnecessary legal restrictions on services.

6. The Abortion Act now exists in tension with its own policy drivers. The broad purposes which informed the legislation were operationalized through a set of restrictions that no longer make sense in the context of modern medical practice. If the law is interpreted so as to give effect to these purposes, the restrictions are interpreted so broadly as to become essentially redundant. If the law is interpreted narrowly, the restrictions may impact negatively on best practice.

7. These serious tensions in how abortion law should be interpreted cannot be remedied without statutory reform. Lack of clarity in the law is a particularly egregious failing in the context of legislation which threatens onerous criminal sanctions against professionals who are acting in good faith and providing safe care to women.

B Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland.

There are marked differences in the cultural, religious and political contexts that affect the regulation of abortion in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. However, each of the two countries has a highly restrictive law, which provides only very limited access to abortion within domestic health care settings, and which has been repeatedly condemned for failing to respect women's human rights. For each country, lack of local service provision has resulted in many thousands of women travelling to end pregnancies in neighbouring countries, particularly England. However, the numbers of women giving Irish and Northern Irish addresses in English clinics have been subject to marked decline over the last fifteen years. Not-for-profit groups, inspired by ideas of solidarity and social justice, now play an important role in offering advice and support to women, including supplying abortion pills.

Key Findings

1. There is evidence to suggest that abortion pills are in widespread use in both the Republic and Northern Ireland. Sources include media and other reports and my own interview data. It is impossible to quantify the extent of this use, however it is likely to represent an important (if by no means the only) reason for the decline in numbers seeking access to abortion services in England.

2. Two not-for-profit groups, Women on Web and Women Help Women, between them receive around 3,000 requests for help and advice from Irish and Northern Irish women each year, though this number may be inflated by some women contacting both groups. This represents a substantial need which is not met by domestic services. Each group provides advice and practical support, including - where desired - arranging for shipment of abortion pills. Pills are supplied on prescription, following an online consultation, for use within the first nine weeks of pregnancy.

3. An unknown further number of women attempt to access pills from other suppliers. While Irish Customs successfully block some such attempts, it is impossible to know how many packages successfully evade detection. Nothing is known regarding the quality of either the pills, or information regarding how to use them, thus supplied. There are some indications of domestic black markets in the pills.

4. Home use of abortion pills is likely to increase. There are limitations to a telemedical abortion service, most notably in that it relies on local provision of any necessary aftercare. However, it potentially offers a safe, effective, cheap, and convenient option, given the alternatives available. This is particularly true for those women who are unable to travel for financial or other reasons.

5. Criminal prohibitions against abortion are rarely enforced. No woman has been convicted in either country in the last ten years. However, charges have been brought against two Northern Irish women in the last year and it is too early to say whether this represents a new trend. However, given the difficulties in detecting and proving use of the pills, it would be impossible to enforce the law in either country in anything more than a highly selective way.

6. Uncertainty exists regarding health care professionals' duty (or right) to inform authorities regarding an illegal abortion. Irish doctors are advised that they are potentially justified in breaching medical confidentiality where disclosure is in the 'public interest'. In Northern Ireland, it has been suggested that there is a duty to report an illegal abortion, under threat of a ten year prison term, unless there is a 'reasonable excuse' for failing to do so. Both tests offer scope for divergent interpretations and, in the face of this uncertainty, it is likely that many women who seek after care will be unwilling to disclose use of pills.

7. In Ireland, the Regulation of Information Act (1995) prevents women from accessing information from trusted local agencies. The Act does not obviously prohibit the provision of objective, evidence based information regarding the safety of abortion pills, how women who use them may keep themselves safe, or service providers who act lawfully in the place in which services are offered. However, given that importing and using the pills is illegal, doctors and counsellors who offer such advice also risk the charge that they have aided and abetted the commission of a criminal offence. In practice, the chilling effect of the regulatory framework leaves women reliant on information of highly variable quality on the internet.

8. There is a strong argument for relevant domestic agencies and service providers to be encouraged and supported to offer better information regarding abortion pills. While the Republic, in particular, has already moved some way towards a harm reduction model, this does not extend to the provision of accurate, evidence based information regarding abortion pills. If the political will existed, important indicators are available that would allow official advice to move beyond blanket statements regarding the dangers of online purchase and the need for medical supervision.

9. Home use of abortion pills in each country clearly indicates that women's reproductive health needs are not adequately met by formal, local health services, raising a compelling argument in favour of liberalising reform.
Exploitation Route It is hoped that the research might inform a reconsideration of the law in the various national contexts considered. A possible court challenge might serve to confirm (or refute) the legal interpretation that informed finding A4.

Findings were communicated to a range of health service providers, lawyers, activists and others through a research launch (held on 23 March 2016) and dissemination of the research findings summary document.
Sectors Healthcare

URL http://www.kent.ac.uk/law/mabal/index.html
 
Description I have played a significant role in developing two Ten Minute Rule Bills, each of which was introduced in the House of Commons by Diana Johnson MP and successfully passed its first reading. The second Bill offered a model for the Bill tabled in the House of Lords by Baroness Barker. Each Bill aimed to decriminalise consensual abortion performed before 24 weeks. The Bills attracted significant support across political parties and from major medical bodies and other key stakeholders. The publicity surrounding them has helped to shift the parliamentary and broader public conversation about abortion law. The drafting of the second Bill drew directly on the findings of the study, including in a provision that ensured that notification requirements are framed in such a way as not to interfere with the appropriate clinical use of monthly contraceptive methods. The second bill was later reintroduced in the House of Lords by Baroness Barker.
First Year Of Impact 2017
Sector Healthcare,Government, Democracy and Justice
Impact Types Societal

 
Description Research fed into my work with Diana Johnson on her Abortion Bill (2018)
Geographic Reach National 
Policy Influence Type Membership of a guideline committee
 
Description Launch of research findings 
Form Of Engagement Activity Participation in an activity, workshop or similar
Part Of Official Scheme? No
Geographic Reach National
Primary Audience Policymakers/politicians
Results and Impact An event was held in central London to launch the findings from the project on 23 March 2016.
Year(s) Of Engagement Activity 2016
URL https://www.kent.ac.uk/law/mabal/project_events.html
 
Description Presentation to Northern Ireland Assembly 
Form Of Engagement Activity Participation in an activity, workshop or similar
Part Of Official Scheme? No
Geographic Reach National
Primary Audience Policymakers/politicians
Results and Impact Sally Sheldon presented some research findings at a Knowledge Exchange Seminar at the Northern Ireland Assembly. A video of the presentation along with a copy of a related 'research briefing' are available on the NI Assembly TV channel.
Year(s) Of Engagement Activity 2016
URL https://niassembly.tv/tensions-abortion-law-policy-effects-women/