I am where I am not. What are the relationships between Irish Protestant identity and Orange Halls?
Lead Research Organisation:
University of Ulster
Department Name: Research Office
Abstract
My title is inspired by Foucault's (1967) description of the mirror as a type of heterotopia. Being present, yet absent, encapsulates the ambivalence with which I view my own Protestant culture, into which I was placed by birth, but have abandoned by choice. Orange Halls are a visual trigger of this ambivalence.
What is my relationship with Orange Halls and how they link to my inherited 'culture' and identity?
I inherited a negatively-defined cultural identity which draws unity from not being the 'other' (Catholic/Nationalist). I was raised in an 'imagined' place (Ulster) and artificially created state (Northern Ireland). I exist in a liminal state as a dual citizen but feeling no true sense 6 (emotionally or culturally) of belonging to either country: this liminality is reflected in the feelings I experience when faced with Orange Halls.
How can Irish Protestant identity be better conceptualised through a visual study of Orange Halls?
Orange Halls reach the public consciousness largely as the subject of vandalism and arson. In fact the approximately 700 halls across Ireland vary greatly in both aesthetics and usage. Similarly the tendency towards binary definitions of cultural identity in Northern Ireland do not allow for the wider spectrum of Protestant identity which actually exists.
How can a typology be created to visually classify Orange Halls?
As explained below, Orange Halls have never been comprehensively examined in research. Available images are classified only by location: this represents an opportunity to make a significant contribution to the body of knowledge.
Research Context: Orangeism has been part of Irish culture for over 3 centuries, and its influences have spread far beyond the doors of Orange Halls, which form a key part of its outward-facing identity. They exist in various states of 'graduation of invasion', their physical and metaphorical purpose threatened by demographic and political changes, secularism, vandalism, age, gentrification and in some cases, even nature.
Despite their ubiquity, no comprehensive visual record exists of Orange Halls. Images of individual halls are featured on WikiCommons, Geograph.uk and National Inventory of Architectural Heritage websites and Google Images. Similarly, in much of the research around Orangeism, halls are conspicuous by their absence. Parading, bonfires, banners and history have been widely covered (Kennaway, 2006; Kaufmann, 2017; Jarman, 2020). A Google Scholar search for the term 'Orange Halls' currently yields no direct results. Similarly, while distinctive cultural aspects of Orangeism have been photographed extensively (Sloan, 1986; Seawright, 1991; Quinn, 2012), Orange Halls have not, with a few exceptions (Duncan, 2009; Schmitt, 2017). The halls are omnipresent in rural and urban environments, especially across the historical province of Ulster and it could be argued they are 'hidden in plain sight'; simply built, many have no external indicators of use. Many people remain unaware of their presence or purpose.
My research will thus contribute to closing a significant gap in the existing body of knowledge. Traditional Ulster Protestant identity draws strength from a resistance to belonging to Ireland while clinging blindly to Britain; both are equally indifferent to its existence. In 2021, with the 100th anniversary of Northern Ireland, and as post-Brexit fallout continues to impact the whole island of Ireland these issues are more relevant than ever. My own upbringing and lived experience positions me uniquely to research themes of the insider-outsider dynamic at play. Issues of identity, nationality, belonging and personal borders are evident in diminishing material cultures worldwide (e.g. hammams, Japanese jazz cafes, churches, matchmaking), and this research may lead to conclusions which can be applied more widely to other cultural contexts, giving the study a global dimension.
What is my relationship with Orange Halls and how they link to my inherited 'culture' and identity?
I inherited a negatively-defined cultural identity which draws unity from not being the 'other' (Catholic/Nationalist). I was raised in an 'imagined' place (Ulster) and artificially created state (Northern Ireland). I exist in a liminal state as a dual citizen but feeling no true sense 6 (emotionally or culturally) of belonging to either country: this liminality is reflected in the feelings I experience when faced with Orange Halls.
How can Irish Protestant identity be better conceptualised through a visual study of Orange Halls?
Orange Halls reach the public consciousness largely as the subject of vandalism and arson. In fact the approximately 700 halls across Ireland vary greatly in both aesthetics and usage. Similarly the tendency towards binary definitions of cultural identity in Northern Ireland do not allow for the wider spectrum of Protestant identity which actually exists.
How can a typology be created to visually classify Orange Halls?
As explained below, Orange Halls have never been comprehensively examined in research. Available images are classified only by location: this represents an opportunity to make a significant contribution to the body of knowledge.
Research Context: Orangeism has been part of Irish culture for over 3 centuries, and its influences have spread far beyond the doors of Orange Halls, which form a key part of its outward-facing identity. They exist in various states of 'graduation of invasion', their physical and metaphorical purpose threatened by demographic and political changes, secularism, vandalism, age, gentrification and in some cases, even nature.
Despite their ubiquity, no comprehensive visual record exists of Orange Halls. Images of individual halls are featured on WikiCommons, Geograph.uk and National Inventory of Architectural Heritage websites and Google Images. Similarly, in much of the research around Orangeism, halls are conspicuous by their absence. Parading, bonfires, banners and history have been widely covered (Kennaway, 2006; Kaufmann, 2017; Jarman, 2020). A Google Scholar search for the term 'Orange Halls' currently yields no direct results. Similarly, while distinctive cultural aspects of Orangeism have been photographed extensively (Sloan, 1986; Seawright, 1991; Quinn, 2012), Orange Halls have not, with a few exceptions (Duncan, 2009; Schmitt, 2017). The halls are omnipresent in rural and urban environments, especially across the historical province of Ulster and it could be argued they are 'hidden in plain sight'; simply built, many have no external indicators of use. Many people remain unaware of their presence or purpose.
My research will thus contribute to closing a significant gap in the existing body of knowledge. Traditional Ulster Protestant identity draws strength from a resistance to belonging to Ireland while clinging blindly to Britain; both are equally indifferent to its existence. In 2021, with the 100th anniversary of Northern Ireland, and as post-Brexit fallout continues to impact the whole island of Ireland these issues are more relevant than ever. My own upbringing and lived experience positions me uniquely to research themes of the insider-outsider dynamic at play. Issues of identity, nationality, belonging and personal borders are evident in diminishing material cultures worldwide (e.g. hammams, Japanese jazz cafes, churches, matchmaking), and this research may lead to conclusions which can be applied more widely to other cultural contexts, giving the study a global dimension.
People |
ORCID iD |
| Ian Montgomery (Primary Supervisor) | |
| Philip Arneill (Student) |