An institutional development perspective on prepaid solar electrification and gender relations in rural off-grid communities

Lead Research Organisation: University of Sussex
Department Name: Sch of Business Management & Economics

Abstract

The goal of this research project is to understand the extent and ways in which prepaid electricity services impact on gender relations in rural low-income communities. Prepaid solar electrification is the provision of renewable energy on a
pay-as-you-go basis for people without electricity access. This emerging and highly topical electrification strategy aims to break down financial barriers that exclude so many people from efficient, effective and safe energy access. Currently
1.6billion people lack electricity access worldwide. Studies show that prepaid solar electricity is likely to have a large impact on the lives of women, as they spend the majority of their time at home, caring for the family. As yet, however, little
is understood about the extent of this impact and the ways in which it may occur, either in practice or in theory. Therefore, it is anticipated that by gaining an understanding of how prepaid electricity impacts gender relations in practice, analysed using a synthesis of concepts from science and technology studies (STS), gender studies and institutional development theory, this investigation can identify ways to maximize beneficial development outcomes for women from rural
electrification programmes and advance theory in this field.
Fieldwork will require partnership with a prepaid solar energy provider in Tanzania or Kenya and involve the collection of primary research material in two key forms: semi-structured interviews and focus groups. This will require two trips, each
estimated to take approximately three months. Semi-structured interviews will be conducted with a selection of rural prepaid electricity customers before and during their use of the service, as well as a selection of people who are not using the service at all. These comparisons of time and situation are necessary to establish the validity of proposed links between gender relation development and the use of prepaid electricity. It is important to acknowledge changes that would have occurred anyway, regardless of this intervention. Semi-structured interviews have been chosen to allow for both structure and flexibility within the interviewee researcher dynamic. The data captured from the interviews will be qualitative, based on concepts synthesized from the literatures mentioned above. The questions will be set by the researcher and tailored based on the interviewee's responses, thereby benefitting from iterative learning within each conversation.
Focus groups will be used to explore likely subtle changes in gender relations and evidence for them. The groups will take a number of forms in order to compare perceptions between different segments of the prepaid energy consumer
population, as well as invite different group dynamics for sharing. By systematically comparing different viewpoints and experiences, this methodology aims to draw robust and well-considered findings. It also hopes to capture the contested
and negotiated nature of gender relation development. Focus groups have been chosen because they act as relaxed group interviews, enabling interaction and discussion within a group of people, with the researcher acting as moderator.

Publications

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Studentship Projects

Project Reference Relationship Related To Start End Student Name
ES/J500173/1 01/10/2011 02/10/2022
1872968 Studentship ES/J500173/1 01/01/2017 30/04/2023 Victoria Kasprowicz
ES/P00072X/1 01/10/2017 30/09/2027
1872968 Studentship ES/P00072X/1 01/01/2017 30/04/2023 Victoria Kasprowicz
 
Description GUATEMALAN DATA

Rural Living
There are a number of important aspects of rural Guatemalan life that we were able to better understand by studying gender and energy use.
1. People's lives are filled with vulnerability and uncertainty and they live day-by- day with very little planning for the future.
a. The present day is already challenging enough without trying to change things in the future.
b. Daily tasks fill almost all hours of the day and leave people busy and tired.
c. Work and wages are structured daily; as are shopping decisions.
d. Religious beliefs and activities are seen as taking care of the big questions
in life.
e. However, education of the next generation is also seen as the door to
progress from an individual perspective.
2. People live by three basic principles.
a. Work and responsibility - work is a way to define an individual's role, and
self-value is acknowledged through personal contribution to the household; Mesoamerican mythologies and texts describe clear gendered work roles that people still live by today: "Man will be forced to work in the milpa (the corn crop) and the woman at the foot of the comal (ceramic cooking plate) preparing tortilla," (López García, J., 2003).
b. Communal life - being part of a community leaves no doubt about perceived personal tasks; the weight of social image guarantees compliance with defined roles; other's comments and perceived criticism maintains current social practices.
c. Status quo - a clarity of roles and tasks sets realistic expectations; respect for "the way things are" helps individuals to accept current norms; the influence of nature and living from one crop harvest to the next, provides a rhythm of life that repeats itself time and again.
3. The household's maintenance is a fine balance to achieve.
a. Men do physical work and bring home the money.
b. Earnings are mainly paid daily; however, within agriculture, this depends
on the type of crop the man cultivates and who owns the land; construction is also often daily.
c. Women and children's work (outside of the house) is seen as a 'complement' to the family income - either savings via wood collection, working with home crops or going to the field to help the man during harvest times.
d. Asking for a loan/credit from relatives or friends is rare as the uncertainty of income makes this a risky option for all. Sickness is one time where this rule is relaxed, and people help one another.
e. Most customers have no banking savings but use small animals as a way of saving for lean times.
4. Households have tight budgets with clear priorities.
a. Basic supplies - beans, corn, water, salt, lime, soap, wood, coffee, and
sugar.
b. Light-Kingo light (or candles if not) and batteries are a clear priority after
basic foods.
c. Additional foods - rice, noodles, chili, vegetables and meat on occasions.
d. Snacks-crisps, sodas and sweets are a frequent daily purchase; these are
seen as a necessity rather than an extra due to the emotional rewards they bring and the way they entertain the children.
5. Customers have noticeable differences in their budgets and lives. Aside from obvious factors such as their proximity to urban towns, whether they own or rent their homes and how many appliances they have, other important factors include:
a. Community level - a football field; 'public' transportation; the type of crops nearby; the presence of rivers; access to medical services; access to banks.
b. Individual level - the amount of families per house; the number of rooms and how they are separated; the presence of animals (inside and outside); the household's proximity to the centre of the community; the type of work they do and when they get paid/do not have money (and the cycle of each crop's harvest for agricultural work).
6. Gender roles and responsibilities are clearly defined.
a. It is a man's job to 'take care' of his family and a woman's job to 'look after'
the man and children.
b. Thecaregiventomenisaimedathelpingthemtoworkhardandprovide.
The care given to women is so that they 'last for life'.
c. The reproduction of roles takes place through daily practices which are
learned from a very early age (6-7 years old) and are seen as a necessity
for children's adult lives.
d. Transparent roles acknowledge life's uncertainty and the social
requirements to find a suitable partner.
e. Menwhofulfiltheirdutyareentitledtodemandgoodcarefromwomen.
However, if the man does not provide, the woman has nothing to do her
job with.
f. There is a strong desire to reinforce gendered roles and maintain the
status quo.
g. Women are very busy - their day is full, and they are lucky to get a
15minute break sometimes between 4am-9pm.
h. Discussions about machismo within the communities, ranged from full
control (knowing where a wife is and what she is doing) to a belief that women feel inferior ("they do not feel capable, they have an inferiority complex, they do not dare").
i. There is a subtle incorporation of temporary or partial work outside of the home for women to contribute e.g. selling food, helping with crops.
j. Women must be seen to be doing their role well, otherwise they face criticism from other women and their husbands. For this reason, they publicly grind corn three times per day and prepare all food freshly for each meal, despite this being unnecessary from a food hygiene perspective.

Energy Use
We also learned about energy use, what drives its demand, what it means to people and where Kingo's service may want to focus its attention in the future.
1. A sense of 'necessity' drives demand - energy resources are distributed based on perceived need, not on desires (despite these benefits existing).
a. Food preparation by women > main need for light.
b. Entertaining children > main need for DVD players.
c. Emergency phone calls > main need for phone charging.
2. Electricity"illuminates"lives.Thiswasthemostusedwordusedtodescribewhy people enjoy having electric light.
3. "Illuminating" goes far beyond bringing light. It also:
a. Safeguards individuals - improves basic physical safety against burns;
warns of the presence of snakes, spiders and scorpions; provides a
feeling of security from others.
b. Addresses vulnerability - provides better organisation and
accomplishment of daily tasks; helps with communication for
emergencies and health issues.
c. Ensures sustainability - allows some planning, encourages study and a
hope of greater certainty in the future, thereby empowering people,
especially women and children.
d. Brings joy and happiness - improves people's moods and makes them
thankful.
e. Supports key family values - helps people to fulfil their roles successfully
(e.g. food and morning preparation) and to share in communal life (spend time with family and friends and support children's homework).

4. Appliance use is complex and driven by social practices that are very slow to change.
a. The main barrier to electric appliance use is money to purchase the appliance and money to pay for the electricity it requires.
b. Mostappliancesaremanual,andsomearemadebyfamilymemberse.g. the wood-burning stove 'polletón'.
c. In the case of need, people borrow appliances for specific jobs e.g. chainsaws for construction.
d. Gendered roles and social obligation drive appliance adoption and use, e.g. the use of irons to ensure husbands and children are properly presented and seen as being cared for.
Men, women and children use very different appliances, tools or objects in their daily lives.
WOMEN: Wood-burning stove (polletón), ceramic cooking plate (comal), stone hand grinder, pots, frying pans, lighters, sink (pila), iron, hose, buckets, wooden spoons (with long handles), knives, community mill.
Rarely - gas cookers and blenders.
MEN: Ax, machete (knife for cutting crops), file (for filing wood etc.), pump to fumigate (as a backpack), bicycle, motorcycle (a few people only).
EVERYONE: Light bulbs, cell phones, torches, radio, DVD player console (mainly children).
Rarely - televisions.

e. Community appliances such as the mill have changed perceived needs and habits, but only because they support core rural values. For instance, women grind their corn publicly to show they are doing their job well.
f. People often say they have become accustomed to doing something to explain changes in their behaviour: "Ahora estamos acostumbrados a ir ..." / "Now we are used to go..." or to justify continuing to do something that is unnecessary. For instance, women continue to 'finish' grinding manually at home, despite there being little need for it.

COLOMBIAN DATA

Community formation

Each community is a family clan and their ancestral land is passed down matrilineally. A typical clan structure starts with the head of a clan; a woman who has inherited land from her mother and has created her own family over time. We typically saw that this head of a clan is a grandmother (with or without her husband), and she is surrounded and supported by some siblings; including at least one brother, her children, her grandchildren and perhaps even her great-grandchildren.


Great power belongs to the head of the clan; however, people told us that her place within society also depends upon her brother - known as 'the uncle' - being well respected. An uncle often fulfils the role of 'community leader' and his son becomes 'the authority'. When we asked why men lead and administer the clan's business, we were told repeatedly that the community leader should always be a man, because "a man has more control over what he says", whereas, "the women say what they think in the moment".

Marriage causes a lot of migration. Both females and males can leave their ancestral clan when they marry. However, decisions to leave are often based on practicality. They depend on someone's place within the family structure, the pressure to stay, the strength of the family bond, the availability of land on which to build a new home and the availability of work.

When a couple marry, the man must request the woman's hand-in-marriage from her mother and father. Previously, the parents decided for or against a suitor, whereas now couples often choose one another and parents accept them as long as a dowry is paid. Dowries do not exist in every marriage; however, they are still the norm. A typical dowry may include 100 goats, 5 cows, 1 mule, and 3 necklaces. If someone is of a higher social position, they can demand more. The level of the dowry is a reflection of the respect the woman's family has within Wayúu society. One grandmother and head of her clan explained that when a dowry is not paid, it makes it difficult to see which families are respectable. She feels that this leads to less respect for women and less commitment to them and their families. She does not see the dowry as a payment, but as a sign of respect. Other people talk of the dowry as 'una retribución', which sounds strong but is explained as a pragmatic and just reimbursement for the family, as the woman is leaving the clan and the family must be compensated in some way.

Culture

The values associated with the Wayúu culture are of great importance to its people, especially the older generations. Some traditions are however being lost.

A central value is the importance of 'la palabra', the word. People have trust in what others say, and they agree to arrangements based on someone's word. Previously, every clan had a word messenger; this male family member would carry messages from one clan to another and represent their wishes, agreements and so on. Now there are very few word messengers as technology such as cell phones and motorbikes have increased, however, the importance of someone's word remains.

A second value is respect. This means respect for the Wayúu culture and respect for other people, especially the elders. Women are taught respect when they have their first menstrual cycle, signifying their development as a woman. During this time, they are confined to one room of the house, in a hammock that is often higher than normal; and their hair is cut just below their shoulders. They can only speak to their mother and they can come down to drink, bathe and visit the bathroom. They are also taught how to weave artisan bags. The end of confinement is marked by the woman showing her artisan work to the elders for their approval and taking part in a dance called a Yonna, where men approach to dance with her but must dance backwards. She wins by making them fall over. Women who have been through this confinement explain that afterwards, they are also more respected by others; their status changes. They no longer play with the children as they are now women and must act as so, showing as well as receiving respect. When we questioned why things are so, people said it was the Wayúu law of before and they didn't know why, it just was that way. One striking change in this process is the time it takes. The previous generation had been confined for one year. The generation now in their twenties are confined for one month; or as in the case of one girl who is studying, one week only, because it fell before her exams and she had to study.

By contrast, a man's development and learning of respect happens more gradually. Men describe it as happening when the body changes, which takes time. There is no celebration, nor a confinement. Men follow the example of their father and elders and learn how to respect through them. They showed us - holding onto their arm muscles - that the body changes at different times for different people. They also explained that a man earns respect when he can build a house for his wife, meaning that he can marry and have children. The house is for his wife and children and will remain in their possession, even if he decides to leave.

Another value is family and collectivity, with everyone helping one another. This is seen within clans, as well as between them. For instance, within clans, family members help one another with everyday tasks such as shopping at the local market, sharing solar energy, giving each other a ride on their motorbike, looking after children, cooking for one another, bringing water for one another, hosting each other with coffee and so on. Between clans, help is also offered in times of need. For example, one community we met had moved to land that they had borrowed from another clan as they had suffered a natural disaster on their ancestral land. They explained that this is normal with Wayyu culture and that clans often support one another.

Religion

There was relatively little discussion of religion during our interviews, aside from two mentions of Evangelism. In one community two ladies told us how they had worked to bring an Evangelical church to their land and that the whole family attends the church six nights per week. In another area, the head of the clan told us that the Wayúu believe in a god called Maléiwa. However, for her, Maléiwa and God within Christianity are the same, so she attends an evangelical church and has done for years. She also talked about the importance of Piaches, spiritual healers who use plant-based medicine within the Wayúu culture. She explained that this practice is dying out; however, she still knows of one Piache living nearby.

Community relations

Clan life involves strong family bonds, with people socializing and working together to enjoy life, survive and progress. For instance, people spend most of their time in one another's houses, or in enramadas, which are basic flat roof shelters made from wood that form shared social spaces. Sometimes men and women meet separately under different enramadas to socialize, however, the majority of the time, everyone sits together to talk, weave and rest. This pattern also occurs inside the home, as everyone is related and there are fewer social restrictions than we saw in Guatemalan communities.

The head of the clan normally has the main house of the community and this is visited by most people on a daily basis. She may cook breakfast for multiple people, or she may host people when they sit to drink coffee and make artisan handicrafts. She is also often the person others would ask first to look after their children when needed, as her love is seen as the strongest. We heard this in multiple interviews and also saw a show of this love in action as grandchildren would often sit on their grandmother's lap above anyone else's. We also observed heads of the clan leaving group interviews to speak with teachers from the local school, or to prepare coffee for everyone at home.

The clans we visited are very social and the practice of visiting and hosting occurs all day long. When a visitor arrives, there is a clear etiquette that they should be greeted with coffee or chicha - a cold drink made from corn. Chicha is made every two-three days and given to adults and children. Coffee is always prepared freshly when an adult arrives to visit. It would be improper to re-heat coffee made earlier; however, it is also rare than any is left over.

Spaces frequented

The places where people spend their time include the:
• Home - consisting of inside kitchen / bedroom-living room / outside kitchen
• Enramadas - flat roof structures for resting in the shade, often with hammocks and plastic chairs that people bring from their homes as needed
• Water pump - this was often a windmill installed by the government in collaboration with Coca Cola.
• La UCA - the nursery for pre-school age children
• Primary school
• Land - to collect wood, to tend to goats, to grow crops and to make charcoal
• Church - most churches exist outside of the communities and we did not see many, however, one was within a community
• Local shop - these can be found on main roads, sometimes within communities (but rarely) or in a small town
• Local town - we saw a number of small towns in between the communities and Riohacha, that people visit frequently
• Market - el Mercado Nuevo is a very popular place to sell bags and hammocks at and buy produce afterwards on the outskirts of Riohacha
• Riohacha

Purchasing behavior

We saw that people in this region have a planning mindset, purchasing food and other items on a weekly, bi-weekly or monthly basis. This way of thinking is encouraged by the length of time it takes to make a bag (two to three days) or a hammock (one month) to sell. People often take one or two bags with them to market. Charcoal is also sold in large quantities, for instance one woman can take up to 20 sacks with her to market at any one time. She will receive help from the community to get the charcoal to the road and she will then pay for transport and assistance from a driver with help to load and unload the produce.

Most people have a set pattern for their food purchases. They go to the market to sell something - normally a bag, a hammock, fish, charcoal or meat - and then then buy the materials they need to make the next sale, as well as the food and supplies that they need for the home. Charcoal is slightly different because one woman will take charcoal for the entire community and then bring the money back to distribute it. When some men fish, they also bring the money home because the women know what food is needed, so they use the money at the market another day instead. Women tend to go to market at least once per week, if not more frequently. Some men also sell produce between communities, such as salted goat's meat or goat's cheese. Shops rarely exist within communities, however, when they do they are small and sell basic goods, including some vegetables.

We saw that when a Kingo shopkeeper existed in a community, this allowed the people who could not afford to pay for a week or month at a time, to buy daily. It also meant that they could buy when they had the money, on that day, rather than waiting for the scheduled day the agent visited each week. People saw great value in having a shopkeeper in the community as it meant things were easier. When questioned, however, they also thought it was reasonable to have the shopkeeper in the market or in a shop on the road. In two instances when the mother of the community was the shopkeeper, we were told that everyone had a solar system.

Energy demand

The people we spoke with perceived their lighting needs as having been met, however, an observation of where the lights are used suggests that a greater number of light sources would be useful. As homes generally consist of a kitchen and a living space, a solar system that provides two lights is seen by most people as sufficient. People also cook over an open fire outside in the evenings, which provides some light for socializing. In Wayúu communities, solar light is used in the evenings to weave and produce bags and hammocks. Artisan men and women sit together to work inside someone's home, to drink coffee and to socialize. In some communities, people meet in the house of the head of the clan each night, whereas in other places people move between different homes. People said they either chose where to meet depending on who had solar energy credit, or if one place was preferred, other people bring their Kingo light with them and contribute coffee or biscuits.

Cooking generally takes place on an open fire on the floor. Most homes have two fires, one inside and another outside. Some homes also have a gas stove or a charcoal barbeque grill, however, these are uncommon appliances. People mainly eat goat's meat, fish, vegetables, arepa and eggs. They mainly drink chicha and coffee.

There is a desire for other appliances. These included: fans, televisions, blenders, fridges and even washing machines in a couple of cases. Fans are desired as the heat is oppressive and people sit for many hours at a time to work on handicrafts. People have a strong awareness of the world around them and express a desire to be more connected to the news via television; for instance to see the national news, to ensure their family in other areas are safe, to see what the weather is doing and what the President is saying. They also enjoy novellas and reality TV shows, such as competitions. People would like blenders for fruit smoothies and fridges to keep meat for longer, instead of having to salt it. The familiarity with such appliances comes from communities being less isolated from urban facilities and areas. For instance, communities generally have good access to roads, even if they are far from a main town; migration between clans occurs through marriage; women have more freedom and less time restriction in their day, enabling them to move around and travel to markets often to sell and buy.

Livelihoods and earnings

Men and women are both employed within a wide range of economic activities. These include handicraft creation and sales, salt picking, fishing, charcoal production, alcohol production, agricultural work (by the day or sometimes living away for months at a time), cleaning work, herding goats, keeping pigs, donkeys and chickens, moto-taxi services, community leadership and teaching at the local pre-school or primary school. In addition to this, handicrafts are made for personal use and crops are grown for self-consumption.

The Wayúu population appear to have a higher disposable income than Kingo's customers in Guatemala. For instance, they mainly buy their solar energy on a weekly or monthly basis; they eat meat almost every day; they pay transportation fees to move around outside of the community; and as artisans they receive fairly regular income from their handicrafts. They also appear to have less outgoing in terms of food for the family. For instance, children receive at least one meal per day at school and there are almost no local shops from which to buy sodas and sweets. However, there is a need to budget for work materials with each handicraft sale, meaning that some money is always re-invested. Similarly, animals such as goats, cows, pigs and donkeys act as a way of saving, and the investment in livestock limits the extent to which cash is available. Finally, the family structure within the community often means that even when people do not have money, they benefit from electricity via their family members who share their solar system. This perhaps reduces the need for people to purchase solar energy at the same time.

Transport
• Owned motorbikes - most clans own one or more motorbikes.
• Mototaxi - people also often call people they know who offer a motorbike taxi service, either to the main road where people can find trucks to take them further, or sometimes to the local town.
• Trucks/small buses - some communities have trucks that come and go to collect school children and take them to the local schools. Trucks are also the main form of transport on the roads to the markets. People use other transport to reach the roads (owned motorbike, mototaxis, bicycles, donkeys and on foot) and then pay to go by truck. Some trucks also offer services such as helping to load charcoal onto the truck and off the other side, when they reach the market.
• Donkeys - people use donkeys to transport materials or people if they are sick in some communities.
• Bicycles - a number of people own bicycles and use these to travel as far as the main roads or between communities.
• Some people walk to the main road if their community is nearby and then they use trucks.

Government initiatives

We saw a number of government-run initiatives or public-private partnerships in operation. For instance, some communities have a watermill which was installed many years ago by the State, in collaboration with Coca-Cola. Other initiatives include clean cook-stoves; free transportation to school for children; free education from nursery through primary school; free meals at school; large road development projects and more. Education is clearly driving change within the region. However, once children reach secondary school age, they require the resources to travel outside of their community, perhaps to a large town to continue studying. These investments are helping to drive the aspiration for electricity. People do not need to be convinced off the need for light and connectivity at home, rather they would like a range of appliances to choose from.

Female role

Women hold an interesting and complex status within Wayúu society. Wayúu society is matrilineal, meaning that women own the majority of the land and property. However, this exists within a culture of polygamy, where men are free to father multiple families, leaving some women with little security or financial stability. Marriage takes place by a man showing his commitment to a woman's family, paying a dowry to her mother's side of the family to reimburse them for their loss. Once marriage is complete, women take on domestic lives, however, they also earn an income by making artisan handicrafts to sell. They are normally surrounded by their extended family in their day-to-day lives, providing practical as well as emotional support and connections.

Women are responsible for 'el oficio', the housework of the home and looking after their children. This includes taking the children to school; bathing them; minding them; preparing food for the family; washing the dishes and clothes; and burning rubbish. Childcare is a shared responsibility in many ways, as children wander between the houses and all adults watch over them. Washing is done infrequently - generally once a week - and takes place in a large plastic bowl on the floor. Clothes are then dried on nearby plants or wooden structures made for hammocks. Washing takes place more often if a family has less clothes or lots of children. During our interviews, women's descriptions of their housework were rather limited, suggesting that it was given fairly little importance. In contrast to Guatemala, it was also much lighter in the sense that women had much of the day left to work on their handicrafts or to rest. Some women mentioned sleeping for one to two hours in the afternoon, despite having young children at home. With these descriptions it was evident that there is less social pressure for women to be seen as busy domestically. Instead, they have the freedom to rest when they choose, to socialize with one another and drink coffee. When asked, many women also believe that men work harder. One woman explained that they can leave their work until another day if they want to, whereas a man always has to work when the work is available.

Women are more empowered to frequent social spaces and they have more freedom to move around within and outside of the community than in Guatemala for a number of reasons. Firstly, the family clan provides a support network, reducing the social taboos or insecurities with men and women visiting one another. Secondly, the nature of women's work as artisans means that they have the need to go to market on a regular basis, to sell their bags and hammocks. People always sell their own handicrafts, rather than asking someone else to do that for them. In this sense, women are part of the workforce and they are traders. By contrast women have the social expectation of being seen to do domestic work in Guatemala. This largely involves being in the home and visiting the mill or the shop within the community. Social time is also largely restricted to going to church or being with their immediate family.

There were some references to the need for women to gain their independence from their mother during our interviews. It seems that this occurs through marriage when a dowry is paid. However, if no dowry is given or if a woman is still living at home, we saw in several cases that this is less clear cut. One woman explained how she had to insist on moving out to have her own home, but despite doing so, she still supports her mother financially and helps her with her day-to-day needs. Women also explained how their status changes as they age. Girls are able to play with other children freely until they have their first menstruation. After this time, they become women and their role and freedoms change, as mentioned above under the Culture section.


Male role

The practice of polygamy is widely accepted within Wayúu culture, with men fathering multiple families. They often have one main family where they spend most of their time; as well as other families that they visit regularly.

Despite the acceptance of this practice, on a more individual and personal level, some women explained how it takes some getting used to. In some families - and increasingly so according to some women - men visit very infrequently and provide little to no support to the family. One lady we spoke with said that there is no change to her daily routine when the father of her child comes to stay - he is just another mouth to feed. Another said that she had decided enough was enough, as the father of her children had come and gone and left her with four children to raise alone. In contrast, one head of the clan told us how her family had always been her husband's main family. He had gone to his other families at times, but he had always returned which was a sign of respect. However, for her, each time he left she was always sad and found it hard to accept this way of living.

Men are mainly responsible for finding work and income for the family. They must look around for whatever work there is and be flexible. This includes farm work, salt production, herding, fishing, construction, charcoal production, alcohol production, selling meat or other items and also creating handicrafts.

The men we spoke to explained that they have had to put their 'machismo' to one side and learn to make artisan bags, because there is very little other work. They generally make the straps of the bags, which involves a form of macramé (knot tying). We watched a small boy being shown how to do this by his father. They are also starting to make the main bags themselves, however, they do not make hammocks which are seen as too great a commitment. Men have to leave their weaving when other jobs - 'trabajitos' - come along such as agricultural work. Bags are something easy for them to pick up and put down as required.

The head of the clan's brothers are normally given special responsibilities and trusted to always support the clan. This includes taking care of the clan's herd of goats and being the community leader. Leaders manage requests with external organisations and the government, and they manage conflicts and contact with other clans. They also acquire the right to make one of their son's an 'authority', another administrator. In the words of the women we spoke with, leaders and authorities must be men as they can speak with the 'Alijuna' - non-Wayúu people. A leader is chosen if he has charisma, he knows how to manage his emotions and he is a brother. However, rather than having absolute power, these roles appear to be more administrative in nature. For instance, one head of a clan explained how she had decided to invite a pastor to their land to give church services and that the community leader agreed with her decision.
Exploitation Route This data will be used for my PhD thesis, for academic papers which I hope to publish, and also by Kingo in their business strategy for serving off-grid communities with their solar energy service.
Sectors Energy
 
Description Kingo has used my findings to inform their strategic decision making at a company level. In particular, they have learned the value of academic research and the need for a deeper understanding of the cultural, social, religious and political situation their customers live in. This has led to them increasing the time and resources they devote to research, as well as the frequency with which they conduct it to inform their decisions.
First Year Of Impact 2019
Sector Communities and Social Services/Policy,Energy
Impact Types Policy & public services
 
Description ESRC SeNSS Business Boost Funding - Industry Engagement Fund
Amount £5,000 (GBP)
Organisation Economic and Social Research Council 
Sector Public
Country United Kingdom
Start 11/2018 
End 02/2019
 
Title An analytical appliance-use framework 
Description I have created a novel analytical appliance-use framework through which to explore and understand the gender-energy nexus. This framework includes five lenses: practices, participation, power relations, intersectionality, and space, place, time, and mobility. It draws on insights from the Social Practice Theory (Shove et al. 2012) and Gender Studies literatures (e.g. Massey 1994; Crenshaw 1990; Butler 2003; Budgeon 2014; Connell 1995). It suggests that the nascent gender-energy literature could be strengthened by viewing gender as something that is 'done' in highly nuanced, multi-faceted, and complex ways, through social practices. 
Type Of Material Improvements to research infrastructure 
Year Produced 2023 
Provided To Others? No  
Impact I argue that this framework or toolkit could be used within gender-energy research, policy, and practice, to better understand gendered appliance use in off-grid areas and in doing so, identify potential opportunities for transformative gender changes through modern energy access and use. 
 
Description Kingo / University of Sussex Collaboration 
Organisation Kingo
Sector Private 
PI Contribution I worked with Kingo in Petén, Guatemala and La Guajira, Colombia to continue to study the relationship between gender and energy access and use. This partnership was also instrumental the year before as part of the ESRC Industry Engagement Fund. With Kingo, I travelled to rural off-grid communities within these two regions, as part of a research team to collect information on how people use energy in their daily activities. I devised interview scripts and guided interpreters as they helped me to conduct 17 interviews with families in Petén and 13 interviews and 5 group interviews in La Guajira. These interviews included visiting family homes, churches, shops, communal washing facilities and speaking to local leaders and teachers. Interviews in Petén took place in Spanish and those in La Guajira, took place in Wayuu. These conversations focused on the ways in which both men and women use energy within their daily activities and what this may tell us about gender relations and identities within these areas. Following the field trips, I summarised and relayed our findings to the team of directors within Kingo in English, so that they could use this information to inform their strategic decisions for their solar energy service with these customers. The data has also contributed towards my PhD thesis.
Collaborator Contribution Kingo made a large contribution to this work in terms of personnel and connections and introductions to its customers. Kingo sent me to the field with a team of field agents, as well as their in-house researcher. They also recruited participants for the research and accompanied me to each interview.
Impact The outputs of this research are 35 interview scripts and audio recordings. I have analysed these outputs as part of my PhD empirical findings, as well as presented these to Kingo's directors.
Start Year 2019
 
Description SPRU PhD Forum 
Form Of Engagement Activity A talk or presentation
Part Of Official Scheme? No
Geographic Reach International
Primary Audience Postgraduate students
Results and Impact The SPRU PhD Forum is a unique, free, two-day event for PhD students, organised by SPRU's first year PhD cohort. It focusses on giving doctoral researchers the opportunity to present their current research around Innovation, Science and Technology Policy, to a range of other doctoral students, researchers and academics from SPRU and around the world. I was part of the organising committee for last year's Forum, taking responsibility for communications and marketing. I also presented my research at the event, and took part in a discussion about energy and gender, in which I received supportive feedback to help me in my work.
Year(s) Of Engagement Activity 2018