Addressing the invisibility of Romani women in intersectional feminism and nationalism studies

My research uses feminist intersectionality to enrich studies of nationalism and racism whilst building evidence-based understandings of threats to health and social justice for Romani women. Romani women have been invisible in intersectional feminist discourse - this indicates a failure in both feminism studies and nationalism studies to analyse and understand issues impacting upon and affecting the lives of Romani women. I explore this topic by critically assessing existing nationalist gendered hierarchies in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) and the ways in which they affect Romani women. My research questions are as follows:
-How do existing nationalist gender hierarchies and their related discourses in CEE specifically affect Romani women (in contrast to non-Romani women, non-Romani men, and Romani men)?
-How does an intersectional approach help illuminate the consequences of the above on Romani women's lives and, importantly, on their self-perception - not as Romani, or as women, but as Romani women?
-What are the implications in examining the position of Romani women in CEE through an intersectional feminist lens with regards to possibilities towards their claiming social justice, and to intersectional feminism itself?
Given that the study fits into the realm of political sociology, I am using qualitative methods to introduce a gendered frame into the study of Romani women's lives. Whilst the work is grounded firmly in theory, I am also gathering qualitative data through interviews with Romani activists as well as Romani women. Activists provide insight into the problems regarding knowledge production, policy and public engagement surrounding the topic. Interviewing Romani women is necessary as it aids in understanding issues not examined in existing research, pertaining especially to family context, access to care, opportunities regarding mobility, and strategic deployment as well as constraints of national identity and citizenship.
I will be working with Roma charities in the UK, such as the Roma Support Group. As this work involves one-on-one work with Romani people originating from CEE communities, it provides access to Romani women to interview about their experiences, and also allows for the deep engagement necessary within the field given the sensitivity of the topic. I am also contacting support workers and activists working in Romani charities elsewhere, such as the European Roma Rights Centre in Budapest, the Roma Institute in Bratislava, and the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights in Warsaw. In terms of Romani women interviewed, I am focusing on Polish Roma, as I am a native Polish speaker and therefore this lowers the possibility of language barriers. Data gathered will be analysed using content analysis, and discourse analysis. Other sources of data for analysis include media sources such as newspapers, legislation at regional, national and European-wide levels, and reports from NGOs such as Human Rights Watch.
This assessment of existing nationalist gendered hierarchies in CEE and the ways in which they affect Romani women presents a new intersectional approach which will contribute to a number of academic fields, including nationalism studies, gender studies and human rights studies. Furthermore, it will be useful to Romani activists and policy makers, as it will clearly present areas in which Romani women can be supported as well as helping to develop a productive way to engage with Romani women. This research can be used to move towards an approach where policies addressing healthcare access, reproductive rights, ethnic discrimination and poverty in Romani populations take into account the specific situation of Romani women, rather than utilising a gender-blind approach where Romani women potentially become excluded from social justice claims.