Representation matters: an intersectional feminist rethinking of descriptive representation.

In a growing number of countries, measures are being taken to increase the number of female political representatives, such as all-women shortlists or quotas. Such measures recognise that descriptive representation, wherein a representative shares
an identity or group membership with those they represent (namely: gender), is something worth pursuing - an argument echoed by many feminist scholars. A failure in previous feminist accounts of representation to take intersectionality seriously, however, has left descriptive representation on the basis of gender open to serious criticism - not only from opponents of 'identity politics' but from other feminists within and beyond academia. A conception of 'women' as a coherent and easily delineated group, with reasonably homogenous interests or perspectives, has fundamentally failed to challenge the political exclusion of women who experience intersecting avenues of oppression (Crenshaw 1991).

My thesis seeks to rethink descriptive representation, proposing a new intersectional framework that would resolve these issues - providing a coherent argument in favour of a gender diverse legislature, that leaves no-one behind. My hypothesis is that descriptive representation can be considered on two distinct levels. On the one hand, representation as conceptualised primarily as a relationship between the representative and represented. On the other hand, the wider level - at which representation goes beyond that of just the constituent and their representative, and becomes a relationship between the legislature as a whole and society writ large. By applying this dual-level framework as a tool to answer the core question "when should women represent women?", I intend to form an account of descriptive representation which defends the need for women to be present in legislatures but malso incorporates intersectionality at its heart. As well as engaging with and being informed by contemporary feminist political theory and political science, in order to both develop and question the policy implications of this approach I will also examine two case studies with contrasting political systems: the UK, and France. The latter, notably, has a prominent example
of a woman leading a far-right political party, which will form a robust test to a defence of descriptive representation on the basis of gender - particularly one that incorporates an intersectional analysis. In order to gain practical insight, I also intend
to engage with feminist organisations and think-tanks. Using both these primary sources and referring to previous studies in comparative politics I will also identify institutional barriers to broader, cross-constituency representation, and consider how
they could be most effectively overcome through different institutional design: testing the framework I create to see both whether it proves convincing, and what policy recommendations might flow from its application.

My research, which will merge political theory, gender studies and comparative politics, forms an innovative and important normative argument in favour of descriptive representation and (gender) diversity. It will also highlight the policy and
structural changes which could improve representation for women and other groups, by identifying the barriers that hinder a more diverse legislature, and suggesting in practical terms how they might be overcome. It illustrates that across different
electoral systems, efforts to increase the gender diversity of legislatures must take an intersectional approach. Further, it will investigate whether new policies also ought to focus on enhancing the ability for citizens to open dialogues with representatives on the basis of not only geographic location, but shared identity and experiences too - allowing every citizen in a diverse enough legislature to access the benefits of descriptive representation, with no one left behind.