Regional policy-making in Conservative England (2010-2019): the role of institutional and political factors

This research sets out to examine the policy process of developing and implementing regional policies in Conservative England between 2010 and 2019. Historically, regional policy in the UK has been closely aligned with the objective of boosting economic output in areas with consistently sub-average levels of productivity. However, such initiatives are rarely undertaken with the sole objective of unlocking spare capacity. As the distance widens between stronger and weaker geographies, it is argued this has both economic and social implications for disparities within the UK, ranging from job prospects to educational opportunity and health outcomes. Moreover, these disparities are politically significant due to their inevitable effect on the electoral landscape. Despite a variety of regional policy interventions during the decade, Britain's economy remains persistently reliant on London and the South East driving growth and providing a fiscal surplus. In the 2019 British General Election, the Conservative party made 'levelling-up' a central theme of their successful campaign, thereby ironically alluding to the failure of previous Conservative ministries to adequately address the issue.

Analysis of how regional policies between 2010 and 2019 have failed to address systemic imbalances in the economy are well rehearsed; but far less so, why this is the case. This research aims to advance our understanding on why regional policy was largely ineffective during this period by studying institutional and political factors. The research will focus on three key aspects of regional policy during the period: the creation and establishment of Local Enterprise Partnerships (LEPs) in 2011; the launch of the 'Northern Powerhouse' in 2014; and the shift in regional policy characterised by the 'Industrial Strategy' under Theresa May in 2016. The project is inherently interdisciplinary, drawing on economic analysis, historical method and political science. Given the spatial context of the research, it is also fundamentally geographical in its significance. The research approach will be mixed-method. It will primarily apply qualitative methods but will also use quantitative research methods.

This research is important for a number of reasons. First, it will provide important analysis on understanding how a range of institutional factors and political actors affect regional policy. The relevance of findings will extend beyond merely the period considered. It will shed light on how central Government is influenced, and by what, when both formulating and co-ordinating regional policy interventions. This is particularly pertinent given widening economic and social disparity within the country amidst the coronavirus pandemic. Further regional interventions and industrial strategies are likely in the coming decade in light of this. The implications from this research will therefore be significant. Second, analysis of regional policy interventions between 2010-19, the Northern Powerhouse and Industrial Strategy have tended to focus on economic shortcomings ahead of historical analysis exploring the reasons for policy failure. This research will bring new understanding to the role of institutions and party political pressures, in the form of elections and ideologies, on why regional interventions have failed to revert the trend of widening economic disparity. Third, the paper will extend historical thinking on the role of politically appointed special advisors in the formulation of economic policy, chiefly by focussing on Rupert Harrison during Cameron's first ministry, and Nick Timothy during May's first ministry. In addition to being of interest for a range of academic fields (Public Policy, Political History, Economics, Geography), this research will be of use to practitioners and policy-makers, particular LEPs and central Government.